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MACHALLAH CHAMSOLWAIZIN AND MASSOUD BEHNOUD

Machallah Chamsolwaizin, which was several times cofounder and writer as a head of independent like "Jamé-e" and "Keep silent" newspapers is an Iranian reforming journalist of reputation. It has just spent nineteen months in prison for its writings and is in release on bail. Massoud Behnoud, journalist and laic writer, Iranian him also, collaborated with the whole of the reforming press. It was recently released after having passed vingt-trois month in prison. (August 07, 2002)

"international Mail" Since the arrival with the capacity of the team Khatami, the press tried, in the absence of free political parties, to create a space of independent debate in Iran. In reaction, the ultraconservateurs, with the head of legal, prohibited the publication of more than 80 titles...

The rise of the level of education in Iran, the great number of students and the explosion of data processing create today a strong need for information. Pullings of the newspaper industry increased, but there is also a great interest for the books or the national and international programs of television. After the arrival with the capacity of president Khatami, one of the essential points of the movement of reforms was the reinforcement of the freedom of expression. One then lived something of new completion in the history of our country: a great number of newspapers were born to meet the needs for the population. "Jamé-e" ("Company"), whose writer as a head was Machallah Chamsolwaizin, was the precursor of this movement because of its independence and its diffusion. The political power of course slowed down this process. But it is interesting to notice that even the preserving press did not remain well off this dash; it modified at the same time its format and its contents to adapt to its readers. In spite of the heavy price which we had to pay - censures, arrests of the journalists, lawsuit and imprisonment - force is to note that in the history of Iranian journalism and the movement of the reforms, we could pass another course. The press knew to avoid the extremism, and the capacity of tolerance of the capacity was as larger as during any other period of our contemporary history.

"international Mail" do you Think that there is a shift between the aspirations of the population and the institutions which are supposed to frame or represent the company?

This shift is not worth for all the institutions. The independent and free media really acted beyond the political capacity of tolerance of the capacity. But during these four last years, it is vis-a-vis the claims of the populations that they were not with the height. This shift in our country is explained by the distance which exists between the State and the nation. It is at the State to approach the nation. The popular claims run up against the wall of the capacity, and this process is harmful for the press, but also for the capacity which, of the blow, loses its legitimacy. The press suffered from this immobilism of the capacity.

"international Mail" How do you see the future of the independent press in Iran?

There is a positive but slow movement. The closing of newspapers corresponds obviously to a rise to power of the dictatorship. But contrary to the project of the critics, we attend today a multiplication of the titles. Ten titles are prohibited and, in reaction, twelve new newspapers are born. It is however necessary to acknowledge which the situation is less dynamic than a few years ago: information circulates with more difficulty. I am nevertheless optimistic for the institutionalization of this fourth pillar of the democracy. Moreover, the pressure exerted on the journalists is revealing weight of this independent press.

"does international Mail" Which political direction take the country? The current situation seems to us explosive and thus worrying, disappointed progress of the reforms is numerous...

To answer this concern it would be necessary to evaluate, in addition to our company and the progress of the reforms, our regional place: an area of the world which is potentially prone to serious crises. We are surrounded by Afghanistan, Iraq, Pakistan, the Emirates in the south, Turkey and Azerbaïdjan. After Soviet collapse we are in the center of a zone of instability. We do not have the right to take only one step on side because the consequences can be very heavy. From an economic point of view, the prospects are not either very encouraging: unemployment, dysfunction of the public services, weakness of the civil institutions, problems social and, finally, a reactive State not very. These failures would be worrying in the event of explosion. Remain some positive signs. Since the launching of the movement of the reforms, and in spite of the defections, the Iranian company remained dynamic, alive. Thanks to the youth of the population, the claims are unceasingly reformulated, discussed, at the University, in the press, with the corner of the streets and into the small cities. The opinions are varied and the company is actively with research its to become. One also takes part in the great debates, traditionally reserved for the government, like, for example, the question of the future of the relations with the United States and the resource sharing of the Caspian Sea (with the republics ex-Soviet). I see emerging a political and social maturity. In the past we wanted to destroy a building without knowing what we were going to set up in his place. Today, there are brakes and disappointments but the movement is offensive, we are in a phase of definition of our claims, then will come research from the means of carrying them out.

"international Mail" the Americans settle today at the Iranian border and sat a "friendly" government in Afghanistan. The threat of an American attack in Iraq is specified. Do these geopolitical upheavals threaten the stability of the area and the future of the reforms in Iran? And in this context, how to imagine an equitable "normalization" of the relations with the United States?

There is a true conscience of the brittleness of the current situation in our area. For this reason we are very careful and that we do not want to act in precipitation.

There is initially the question of the bilateral relations with the United States. For the moment, it is out of matter: a thick wall of mistrust still separates the two countries. On another side, the United States is present today on the majority of our borders, in the Persian Gulf, in Afghanistan and in Pakistan, i.e. in a zone which is vital for us. In order to reduce the tensions in the area, it is necessary to urge a form of local dialogue with the Americans. For example, in Afghanistan we could enter directly in discussions with the dominant power, i.e. the United States. It is there a test which could prepare the ground for future bilateral relations.

Remarks collected by Guissou Jahangiri,
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